On the Imputation of Adam's First Sin · §20

Cap. VI: Maresius arg. III — justice, community analogies, Chamier against Salmeron

III. And this imputation, he says, does not rest on God's right over creatures alone, and on absolute Dominion (as some will have it), but on his most equal justice, and most just judgment. I grant it, if Mediate imputation is understood; for Immediate (as I shall make plain in its place, God granting) fights not a little with divine justice. He continues: For often this also happens in a human court without any appearance of iniquity, but most justly, that by one person's fault sin and vice implicate a whole community or posterity as to the extension of the penalty, which, while it happens, that fault is imputed to the whole community or posterity. First, God condemns this in his Law in express words, Deuteronomy 24:16, even when the crime of injured Majesty is in view, and 2 Kings 14:6, and forbids that any such thing be said of his own justice, Ezekiel 18, and Jeremiah 31:29–30. Next, if one person's fault implicates a whole community, that happens because the whole community is supposed to have consented to that fault: otherwise it cannot justly be done. Often, the most distinguished man adds, it happens that whatever Kings rave, the Achaeans are punished — plainly those were raving no less than their Kings.

And a Procurator or Mandatory sins with a sin that belongs to those whose names he bears. Namely because these had consented that he should be their Procurator or Mandatory in that matter. Therefore imputation, if there is any, follows their consent; it does not precede it. But which of us, so long before he existed, ever appointed Adam his Procurator or Mandatory? In many places it obtains that if a Vassal has been unfaithful to his Lord, he sins not only for himself but for his posterity, who thus fall from the fief otherwise about to come to them. To that extent certainly he sins for his posterity, because the fief which he lost, since he no longer has it, he cannot hand over to his children. Which also happened to Adam, who, when he had lost original righteousness, could not propagate it into posterity: for who can give what he does not have? And yet it does not follow on that account that unfaithfulness is imputed to the posterity. For if he had sold the fief, or lost it by a stronger man's force or fraud, the posterity would likewise be deprived of it without any imputation of fault. Among the Macedonians, the learned man adds, the crime of majesty committed by someone was avenged upon his whole kinship. What then? Does the most distinguished man think God imitates men's cruelty condemned by God's own Law? Or that from men's injustice one ought to gather what befits God's justice? I both wish him another mind, and think he has one.

There follow in his book: And although the gentleness of the Laws which obtain among Christians is greater, yet it often happens that injured Majesty or another graver crime is so imputed to the children and posterity of him who committed it, that when their goods have been turned into the treasury they even fall from the grade of nobility. Namely children are heirs of the father's wealth and nobility, if he has any; but if he had none, or had them indeed but lost them either by his own fault or by none, who could be heirs of them? But what can this do toward proving the antecedent imputation of the first man's disobedience? Someone contracts a plague often not for himself alone but also for his household and neighbors. Is there therefore for them any imputation of that man's action or passion by which he contracted the plague, or of the plague itself?

Excellently Chamier, Panstratia, volume 3, book 1, on corrupt man, chapter 8, section 10: But he wounded the whole nature (Adam's sin), says Salmeron: therefore it was made common to all. I deny the consequence. The wounding itself was made common, but not the cause of the wounding. So if one house burns, as often happens, because of the Master's sloth, and thence neighboring houses: the fire will indeed be common; but the sloth is wholly that Master's, not the rest's: for sloth is not itself the fire, but only the cause of the fire which reaches the rest. So the soldier who keeps watch negligently harms the whole army: yet the whole army was not lazy. So Nero's cruelty harmed the Romans: and yet the Romans were not cruel. There are hundreds of this kind.

Latin

III. Atque haec imputatio, inquit, non nititur solo Dei iure in creaturas, ac Dominio absoluto (ut quidam volunt) sed eius iustitia aequissima, ac valde iusto iudicio. Fateor, si imputatio intelligitur Mediata; Immediata enim (ut suo loco, Deo dante, manifestum faciam) cum divina iustitia non parum pugnat. Pergit, Nam saepe etiam hoc fit in foro humano absque ulla iniquitatis specie, sed iustissime, ut unius culpa peccatum et vitium universam communitatem aut posteritatem quoad poenae extensionem implicet, quod dum fit illa culpa toti vel communitati vel posteritati imputatur. Primum hoc in Lege sua damnat Deus disertis verbis Deut. 24. 16. etiam cum de crimine laesae Maiestatis agitur 2. Reg. 14. 6. vetatque ne tale quid de ipsius iustitia dicatur Ezech. 18. et Ierem. 31. 29. 30. Deinde, si unius culpa universam communitatem implicat, id fit, quia supponitur universa communitas in eam culpam consensisse: alioquin id iuste fieri nequit. Saepe, addit vir Clariss. evenit, ut quicquid delirent Reges, plectantur Achivi, nimirum illi non minus quam sui Reges delirabant. Atque Procurator aut Mandatarius peccat iis peccat, quorum nomina sustinet. Nempe quia hi consenserant ut is eorum esset ea in re Procurator aut Mandatarius. Sequitur ergo imputatio, si quae est, eorum consensum, non antecedit. Quis autem nostrum, tanto antequam esset, suum unquam Procuratorem aut Mandatarium constituit Adamum? Multis in locis obtinet, ut si Vassallus infidelis fuerit suo Domino, peccet non solum sibi, sed suis posteris, qui sic feudo excidunt, alias ad se perventuro. Eatenus certe posteris peccat, quia feudum quod amisit, cum amplius non habeat, tradere liberis suis non potest. Id quod etiam evenit Adamo, qui, cum iustitiam originalem amisisset, eam in posteros propagare non potuit: quis enim dare possit id quod non habet? Nec tamen sequitur propterea infidelitatem posteris imputari. Nam si feudum vendidisset, aut potentioris vel vi, vel fraude amisisset, eo pariter, absque ullius culpae imputatione, privarentur posteri. Est apud Macedonas, addit vir doctus, crimen maiestatis ab aliquo commissum in universam eius cognationem vindicatum. Quid? An hominum crudelitatem ab ipsa Dei Lege damnatam putat vir clariss. Deum imitari? aut ex hominum iniustitia, quid Dei iustitiam deceat, debere colligi? Aliam ei mentem et opto, et esse puto. Sequuntur in eius libro, Et quamvis maior sit mansuetudo Legum quae obtinent inter Christianos, saepe tamen evenit, ut laesae Maiestatis aliudve gravius crimen sic imputetur liberis et posteris eius qui illud commiserit, ut bonis suis in fiscum redactis, etiam nobilitatis gradu excidant. Nempe liberi opum et nobilitatis patris sunt heredes, si quas habet; si vero nullas habuit, aut habuit quidem, sed aut sua, aut nulla culpa amisit, qui earum possent esse heredes? Hoc vero quid ad imputationem antecedentem primae hominis inobedientiae probandam facere potest? Pestem contrahit aliquis saepenumero non soli sibi, sed domesticis etiam et vicinis suis. Num ulla sit eis propterea illius viri vel actionis, aut passionis, qua pestem contraxit, vel pestis ipsius imputatio? Praeclare Chamierus Panstr. tom. 3. lib. 1. de hom. corrupto. cap. 8. §. 10. Atqui totam naturam (peccatum Adami) laesit, inquit Salmero: itaque factum est commune omnium. Nego consequentiam. Laesio ipsa facta est communis, at non causa laesionis. Sic si domus una conflagret, ut saepe fit, ob segnitiem Domini, indeque vicinae domus: erit quidem incendium commune: at segnities tota illius Domini, non reliquorum: non est enim segnities ipsa incendium, sed tantum causa incendii, quod ad reliquos pervenit. Sic qui miles excubias agit negligenter, nocet ille quidem toti exercitui: sed non fuit tamen totus exercitus segnis. Sic Neronis crudelitas Romanis nocuit: nec Romani tamen crudeles. Sexcenta sunt huiusmodi.

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English follows the locked 1661 Saumur Latin of Capita I–XIV partial through Man. Post. Caput IX (eph-ho / eph-ho pantes) before eph-ho / eph-ho pantes, reconstructed from IA PDF page images with Vision OCR and pdftotext as check. No modern English was copied. Cap. IX deepen+ remain.

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IA deimputationepri00lapl. Densify: Capita I–XII + Caput XIV + Man. Post. Cap. II–VI through Cap. X Rom. 5:14 tip. Not whole Disputatio; Cap. X Rom. 5:14+ / ~494 pp Disputatio remain.

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